Democracy for Muslims?
Just a year and a half ago mobs were raging through Tehran demanding the ouster of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who had claimed re-election after a dubious vote-count. Today mobs are fighting in Cairo over whether President Hosni Mubarak should resign. Mobs in Tunisia have already ousted the dictator there, and unrest threatens other Arab countries.
The American response to all these upheavals has been consistent: allow peaceful demonstrations, avoid violence, exercise restraint and move toward real democracy. Until President George W Bush started urging democracy on Arab countries, the American policy was simply to deal with whoever held power and not meddle in internal affairs.
But we face a clash between American interests and American values. Except for Iran, the regimes threatened by the massive protests have been friendly to the United States. Egypt, which had been aligned with the Soviet Union from about 1955 through 1973, switched to the American side after US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger brokered a separation of forces deal with Israel after the Yom Kippur War that saved an Egyptian army division. As the first Arab state to sign a peace treaty with Israel, Egypt has been a valuable ally in keeping the Middle East from exploding for nearly forty years.
But Egypt was never a democracy. The Free Officers Association, which overthrew King Farouk, established military rule, first under Gamal Abdel Nasser, then under Anwar Sadat and now under Hosni Mubarak. Nasser suppressed the Muslim Brotherhood and executed its founder, but the group survives to this day and has inspired Hamas and Al Qaida. Polls and results of legislative elections indicate that radical Islam has mass support in Egypt, and if the military would surrender power, the Muslim Brotherhood and perhaps other Islamist forces would be major players in national politics. This could mean the end of the peace treaty with Israel, more arms for Hamas, perhaps even war.
So we Americans are on the horns of a cruel dilemma: our values favor democracy for Egypt and all other countries, but our interests favor backing the authoritarian regimes friendly to us and not too hostile to Israel. The Shah of Iran said that under similar circumstances "The Americans threw me out like a dead mouse." (1)
We Americans must first recognize that we cannot impose a government on any country against the will of its people. Under President Bush we were able to depose Sadam Hussein and conduct elections, but the winners were not the Iraqis that the Bush Administration had supported. Similarly, we deposed the Taliban in Afghanistan, but are still fighting them today, almost ten years later. We can provide arms and military intelligence to friendly governments, but the Islamic Revolution in Iran showed that these may not be enough to keep power.
But we are also not obligated to throw Mubarak (or anyone else) out "like a dead mouse." If that is how we treat our friends, we will not have many friends, nor will we deserve many. The US did not "lose" China, Cuba or Iran and we are not responsible for "losing Egypt" now; these countries never were ours to lose. The more we try to influence events, the more we are blamed for how things turn out----which is often badly. Just look at Gaza, where American-inspired fair elections resulted in a Hamas victory, later implemented by force.
So we must tread a fine line between advocating human rights for all and unwelcome meddling. Stability that rests on raw power is inherently unstable, while stability that rests on democracy (such as in Israel, Europe and most of Latin America) is durable. Of course we should advocate democracy, but recognize that it must arise from the will of the people, and their will is often very different from our own.
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(1) My Turn to Speak by Abol Hassan Bani-Sadr, MacMillan, 1991.
The American response to all these upheavals has been consistent: allow peaceful demonstrations, avoid violence, exercise restraint and move toward real democracy. Until President George W Bush started urging democracy on Arab countries, the American policy was simply to deal with whoever held power and not meddle in internal affairs.
But we face a clash between American interests and American values. Except for Iran, the regimes threatened by the massive protests have been friendly to the United States. Egypt, which had been aligned with the Soviet Union from about 1955 through 1973, switched to the American side after US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger brokered a separation of forces deal with Israel after the Yom Kippur War that saved an Egyptian army division. As the first Arab state to sign a peace treaty with Israel, Egypt has been a valuable ally in keeping the Middle East from exploding for nearly forty years.
But Egypt was never a democracy. The Free Officers Association, which overthrew King Farouk, established military rule, first under Gamal Abdel Nasser, then under Anwar Sadat and now under Hosni Mubarak. Nasser suppressed the Muslim Brotherhood and executed its founder, but the group survives to this day and has inspired Hamas and Al Qaida. Polls and results of legislative elections indicate that radical Islam has mass support in Egypt, and if the military would surrender power, the Muslim Brotherhood and perhaps other Islamist forces would be major players in national politics. This could mean the end of the peace treaty with Israel, more arms for Hamas, perhaps even war.
So we Americans are on the horns of a cruel dilemma: our values favor democracy for Egypt and all other countries, but our interests favor backing the authoritarian regimes friendly to us and not too hostile to Israel. The Shah of Iran said that under similar circumstances "The Americans threw me out like a dead mouse." (1)
We Americans must first recognize that we cannot impose a government on any country against the will of its people. Under President Bush we were able to depose Sadam Hussein and conduct elections, but the winners were not the Iraqis that the Bush Administration had supported. Similarly, we deposed the Taliban in Afghanistan, but are still fighting them today, almost ten years later. We can provide arms and military intelligence to friendly governments, but the Islamic Revolution in Iran showed that these may not be enough to keep power.
But we are also not obligated to throw Mubarak (or anyone else) out "like a dead mouse." If that is how we treat our friends, we will not have many friends, nor will we deserve many. The US did not "lose" China, Cuba or Iran and we are not responsible for "losing Egypt" now; these countries never were ours to lose. The more we try to influence events, the more we are blamed for how things turn out----which is often badly. Just look at Gaza, where American-inspired fair elections resulted in a Hamas victory, later implemented by force.
So we must tread a fine line between advocating human rights for all and unwelcome meddling. Stability that rests on raw power is inherently unstable, while stability that rests on democracy (such as in Israel, Europe and most of Latin America) is durable. Of course we should advocate democracy, but recognize that it must arise from the will of the people, and their will is often very different from our own.
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(1) My Turn to Speak by Abol Hassan Bani-Sadr, MacMillan, 1991.